The Indonesian parliament recently passed a controversial amendment to a law, granting the military greater power within the government. This move has sparked widespread concern, with critics warning that it could lead Indonesia back to the dark days of the Suharto military dictatorship, a regime that lasted 32 years until Suharto was forced to step down in 1998. The international community is also closely watching this development, concerned about the potential impact on democratic institutions.
This amendment has the support of President Prabowo Subianto, a former special forces commander and son-in-law of Suharto. The amendment allows military officers to hold government positions without retiring or resigning from their military posts. Hundreds of pro-democracy activists have been camping outside parliament since Wednesday evening, protesting against the amendment. The activists are determined to voice their opposition and safeguard democratic principles.
Wilson, an activist from the Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (KontraS), stated, "The essence of democracy is that the military should not be involved in politics. The military should only manage the barracks and defense." KontraS is a group that advocates for activists who disappeared during the 1997 and 1998 crackdowns. Wilson told the BBC, "Since 1998, democracy has been gradually strangled. Today marks its peak. Democracy has been strangled by the House of Representatives." This statement reflects a deep sense of betrayal and a fear for the future of Indonesian democracy.
The amendment permits active military personnel to hold positions in 14 civilian agencies, an increase from the previous 10. Additionally, the amendment raises the retirement age for most military ranks by several years. The highest-ranking four-star generals can now serve until the age of 63, previously 60. As of Thursday evening, the protest crowd outside parliament had grown to nearly a thousand people. They held banners reading "The military back to the barracks!" and "Oppose militarism and oligarchy." Police and military personnel stood guard around the protesters, maintaining a tense but controlled atmosphere.
Despite efforts over the past 25 years to limit the military's involvement in politics and governance, local human rights organization Imparsial found that even before the legal revisions, nearly 2,600 active military officers were serving in civilian departments. Deddy Dinarto, lead Indonesia analyst at public policy consulting firm Global Counsel, said the changes mark a "further consolidation of power" under Prabowo's leadership. He noted that the main opposition party, despite initial opposition, ultimately endorsed the amendments, further highlighting this shift, raising questions about the strength of democratic checks and balances.
Mr. Dinarto stated, "By embedding military perspectives within the civilian sphere, the legislation could reshape Indonesia's policy direction, potentially prioritizing stability and state control over democratic governance and civil liberties." The core of the Suharto regime was the armed forces' "dual function," granting them control over both security and administrative affairs. For some Indonesians, Prabowo is the epitome of that authoritarian era. His special forces were accused of kidnapping activists in 1997 and 1998. Many had feared that his return to political power and presidency would undermine Indonesia's hard-won but fragile democracy, a fear that now seems to be materializing.
Since taking office last October, Prabowo has expanded the military's involvement in the public sphere. For example, his $4 billion free meal program for children and pregnant women has received logistical support from the military. Defending the amendment in parliament on Thursday, Defense Minister Shaffri Shamsuddin said that "geopolitical changes and global military technology" require the military to transform in order to address "conventional and unconventional conflicts." He stated, "We will never let the Indonesian people down, and we will uphold our sovereignty," seeking to reassure the public about the military's intentions.
However, some human rights organizations argue that increasing the military's control over public affairs beyond defense will undermine impartiality. Verdika Rizki Utama, a researcher at the Jakarta-based think tank PARA Syndicate, asked in a Benar News report, "How can active military officers remain impartial in the Attorney General's Office when they are still subject to military command?" "If the military gains influence over the judicial system, who will hold them accountable?" These questions highlight the potential for abuse of power and the erosion of civilian oversight.
Andreas Harsono, senior Indonesia researcher at Human Rights Watch, said, "President Prabowo seems intent on reviving the Indonesian military’s role in civilian affairs, a role long characterized by widespread abuse and impunity. The government’s haste in passing these amendments undermines its stated commitment to human rights and accountability." KontraS also noted that the government's "eagerness to revise [the law] stands in stark contrast to its prolonged inaction on other key human rights commitments," further fueling concerns about a rollback of democratic reforms.
Sukma Ayu, an undergraduate student at Muhammadiyah Professor Hamka University in Jakarta, said, "Just because the law has been passed does not mean this long struggle can stop. There is only one word: resistance." She added, "We will continue to protest until we achieve victory… We have no choice but to occupy the ‘people’s house’." This sentiment reflects a determination to continue fighting for democracy and to hold the government accountable for its actions, signaling a period of sustained activism and potential social unrest.